Politique Internationale — The Gulf of Guinea is a particularly strategic zone. It’s hardly surprising, then, that security issues are so keenly felt...
Dr Paul Adalikwu — Quite simply, the Gulf of Guinea is a crucial zone in many areas. Fishing springs to mind, and understandably so: the many rivers that flow into the Atlantic Ocean provide waters that are rich in fish, and many species find a particularly favorable ecosystem here. But fishing is just one aspect of its huge economic potential, illustrated in particular by energy deposits and multiple trade links. This means that transport and the major sea routes are of vital importance.
The downside of this strategic zone is the accumulation of security threats. The risks to the integrity of goods and people are considerable. The list is edifying: piracy, illegal fishing, terrorism and trafficking of all kinds.
P. I. — What is the scale of these threats?
P. A. — One figure shows just how tense the situation is: every year, the loss of earnings for our region caused by the sum of the various trade amounts to $26 billion. The Gulf of Guinea is today a zone literally infested with illegal fishing groups, since they don’t have the required licenses. There are many ways of circumventing the law, from using prohibited fishing techniques to ignoring quotas and fishing schedules. In the end, from catching the fish to transshipping the cargo, an entire sector is severely penalized by fraud.
Let’s not forget, either, that behind fishing lies a blue economy in the broadest sense of the term: this economy of the sea, if it were to operate without hindrance, would offer far greater outlets for the men and women of the region. It would guarantee a more comfortable way of life, including better health conditions.
P. I. — An entire environment is at risk...
P. A. — The more trafficking there is, the more fragile our economy becomes, and the more this encourages illegal immigration, with young people believing that they’ll find a better future elsewhere. Even though, as I said, the area has real potential for our young people to flourish in the Gulf of Guinea, just like its inhabitants as a whole.
P. I. — What can MOWCA do in the face of these risks and their intensity? In the fight against crime in the broadest sense, have results already been achieved? And if so, can they be quantified?
P. A. — The Maritime Organization of West and Central Africa (MOWCA) is mobilized in the face of the dangers I’ve just listed. Indeed, it is our role to prevent threats and seek to mitigate the consequences of undesirable events. In this context, we are acting alongside the major state players, regional organizations and international institutions: it’s a concerted effort, carried out with the utmost firmness.
The willingness to respond to attacks is producing results, and they are significant: in 2022, some 19 “incidents” were recorded in the Gulf of Guinea, four times less than in 2020, when the figure had risen to 81. We can therefore conclude that the systems designed to counter attacks, starting with patrols at sea and the use of surveillance tools, are deterring malicious intent. But nothing can be taken for granted: as proof, the curve has -slightly- gone up in 2023, with 22 incidents recorded last year. The general trend is towards an improvement in the security situation in the area, provided we don’t relax our efforts. Everyone is well aware of this: MOWCA and the International Maritime Bureau (IMB) constantly stress the need for patrols to protect the Gulf of Guinea.
P. I. — What resources can MOWCA draw on to achieve its goal of maximum safety? Generally speaking, how is the decision- making chain structured within the organization? Who decides on policy?
P. A. — To answer the question, we need to go back to the missions assigned to MOWCA. I mentioned security in the Gulf of Guinea: this priority task is part of a wider context, namely the definition of a number of policies aimed at optimizing the zone’s potential. These policies are to be implemented on a regional scale, and will be monitored by MOWCA and its member states. The aim is to ensure that these broad guidelines can be implemented under the right conditions.
As far as the management structure is concerned, the way ahead is perfectly clear. It’s up to the General Secretariat to set the course, with dedicated teams for each activity. We have a wide range of skills in-house, but that doesn’t mean we work in isolation. On the contrary, to tackle a particular point in detail, or to deal with a specific issue, MOWCA can turn to outside sources: we call on regional experts, whose specific input is highly beneficial.
P. I. — It’s one thing to set a course, it’s quite another to ensure that directives are maintained over the long term. How much leeway does MOWCA have to ensure that they are applied in the field?
P. A. — Our institution does not play an operational role, in the sense that we do not send personnel into the field to carry out actions. Operations are the prerogative of the member states, which have dedicated powers and personnel in a number of areas. The list is not exhaustive, but the main levers and/or forces have been identified: maritime administration, port authorities, police, gendarmerie, customs, navies, air force, environmental and fisheries services, etc. It is up to the States to make use of these instruments, coordinated according to a system of agencies and/or departments, and to provide them with the personnel they need to ensure compliance with the law in the Gulf of Guinea zone.
The fact that MOWCA works more upstream and that member states act downstream, on the ground, is not a hindrance to collaboration. On the contrary, we have built up a platform for mutual assistance: it encourages the implementation of intervention mechanisms, which will be all the more effective if they benefit, as they do, from a multidisciplinary approach.
P. I. — All the subjects you work on are sensitive, but some are even more so than others, such as terrorism and drug trafficking. Have these threats increased recently?
P. A. — In terms of threats, I didn’t mention terrorism first, because the Gulf of Guinea is not an area that terrorist groups target by definition. They primarily target inland targets, such as mining operations. Nevertheless, we remain extremely vigilant.
With regard to drug trafficking, it’s the same as for arms trafficking: it’s difficult to rely on precise statistics because these entire areas of organized crime are fluid. Certain cartels, for example, will be more active during certain periods, but it’s often a major seizure that points to a resurgence in this area. In any case, drugs and weapons are major concerns, as is illegal immigration.
P. I. — You mentioned the threats to the area, as well as the resources likely to be deployed. Should these resources be reinforced? On a regional or national scale?
P. A. — First and foremost, the fight against crime is a long- term affair. This means planning a strategy and coordinating the resources to back it up. Strengthening forces and equipment is the order of the day. Hence the need not only to recruit personnel, but also to train them, as one cannot exist without the other. There is no supranational policy for deciding on a protection arsenal: in this field, each MOWCA member state is sovereign and decides on the dimension to be given to the security effort. As you can well imagine, there may be variations, notably linked to questions of geographical perimeter. Some states are obliged to organize long-range patrols, given the size of the area they are responsible for administratively and economically.
National specificities are not an incentive to promote schemes independent of those of other member states. From the outset, MOWCA has encouraged all stakeholders to unite and come together to develop all activities that will serve to exploit the potential of the Gulf of Guinea to the full. With this in mind, our organization works closely with the ministers in charge - in each West and Central African country - of maritime transport issues.
P. I. — Does the MOWCA include representatives of the naval defense industry among its contacts, alongside transport ministers?
P. A. — It’s not our role to exchange views with defense ministers on a regular basis. Nor does MOWCA, which is not a military organization, collaborate with naval forces and their leaders. On the other hand, in the context of certain general policy issues, we do keep in touch with states on how they envisage the conduct of a given operation.
P. I. — Who are your main partners, politically or economically? Are some more important than others? Can we establish a typology of the players involved in the zone?
P. A. — On a day-to-day basis, we work with two main categories of partner. The first relates to safety issues as a whole: we are in contact with the International Maritime Organization (IMO), (1). We also liaise with the Interregional Coordination Center (ICC), based in Yaoundé (Cameroon).
With the second category of partners, MOWCA deals more with trade issues: our interlocutors are the Africa Continental Free Trade Area (2), the African Development Bank (ADB), Afreximbank (3), the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the Intergovernmental Standing Committee on Shipping (ISCOS) and the African Shipowners Association (ASA).
The roles of these different players are highly complementary, and we are fully in line with this complementarity, whether in exchanging information, developing operations or defending common positions on the international stage. Of course, this list of partners is not exhaustive. Depending on the circumstances, we forge links with many other reference organizations.
P. I. — What do you see as the next important milestones? Does MOWCA’s policy allow you to project a medium-term vision for the zone?
P. A. — Our willingness to cooperate with countries and organizations concerned with security in the Gulf of Guinea is constant. As are our efforts to develop the blue economy throughout the zone. We know how crucial it is to succeed in creating jobs in large numbers in order to offer professional opportunities to all sections of the population. Our young people are counting on us to succeed in this endeavor. We have the means to do so, because the Gulf of Guinea shines with the variety and extent of its resources. It’s up to all those involved to optimize this potential in order to contribute to the economic sustainability of the region.
(1) The International Maritime Organization is one of the UN’s specialized agencies dealing with maritime issues, based in London.
(2) The region’s free trade zone.
(3) Afreximbank is the African Export-Import Bank.